成公興(xing)(姓(xing)成公,名興(xing))的歷史資料(liao),見于《魏(wei)書(shu)·藝術傳(chuan)·殷紹傳(chuan)》和《魏(wei)書(shu)·釋(shi)老志》。《魏(wei)書(shu)》是(shi)二十四史之一,北齊初年魏(wei)收(shou)撰。
《殷紹傳》稱:殷紹,長(chang)樂人也(ye)。好陰(yin)陽術(shu)數,達九(jiu)章、七曜。世祖時為(wei)算生(sheng)博士(shi),給事東(dong)宮西曹(cao),以(yi)(yi)藝(yi)術(shu)為(wei)恭宗所知。太安四年(nian)(nian)(nian)夏,上《四序(xu)堪(kan)(kan)輿》,表曰:“臣(chen)以(yi)(yi)姚氏(shi)之世,行(xing)學伊川,時遇(yu)游遁大儒成公興,從求(qiu)《九(jiu)章要術(shu)》。興字廣明,自云膠東(dong)人也(ye)。興將(jiang)臣(chen)南到陽翟九(jiu)崖(ya)巖沙門釋曇影間。興即北還,臣(chen)獨留住,依止影所,求(qiu)請《九(jiu)章》。影復將(jiang)臣(chen)向長(chang)廣東(dong)山(shan)見道人法穆(mu)。法穆(mu)時共影為(wei)臣(chen)開述(shu)《九(jiu)章》數家(jia)雜要,披釋章次(ci)意況大旨……。練精銳思,蘊習(xi)四年(nian)(nian)(nian),從穆(mu)所聞,粗皆仿佛。……以(yi)(yi)甲寅(yin)之年(nian)(nian)(nian),奉辭影等。自爾至今,四十五(wu)載(zai)。歷觀(guan)時俗堪(kan)(kan)輿八會,經世已久,傳寫謬誤。……今依先撰錄奏,謹(jin)以(yi)(yi)上聞。”其《四序(xu)堪(kan)(kan)輿》,遂大行(xing)于(yu)世①。
按:此(ci)《藝術傳》的(de)“藝術”,泛(fan)指術數(shu)、方(fang)伎和(he)各種技藝,如唐(tang)章(zhang)懷(huai)太(tai)(tai)子李(li)賢注《后漢(han)書(shu)》所(suo)說(shuo):“藝謂(wei)書(shu)、數(shu)、射(she)、御,術謂(wei)醫、法(fa)、卜、筮。”殷紹是(shi)北魏(wei)(wei)初年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)的(de)方(fang)術大家,受到北魏(wei)(wei)太(tai)(tai)武帝(世祖)拓跋(ba)(ba)燾及其(qi)太(tai)(tai)子拓跋(ba)(ba)晃(huang)(未即帝位先死,追尊(zun)為(wei)(wei)恭宗景穆(mu)帝)的(de)重用(yong)。文(wen)成(cheng)帝拓跋(ba)(ba)浚太(tai)(tai)安四年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)(公元458年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)),他在進呈《四序(xu)堪輿(yu)》的(de)表(biao)章(zhang)中 ,鄭重地述(shu)說(shuo)其(qi)師(shi)承(cheng)關系,第一(yi)位恩師(shi)就是(shi)膠東(dong)人“游遁(dun)大儒”成(cheng)公興。此(ci)“膠東(dong)”,指自東(dong)漢(han)章(zhang)帝建初元年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)(公元76年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian))改(gai)郁秩(zhi)縣為(wei)(wei)膠東(dong)侯國(guo),歷魏(wei)(wei)晉(jin)十六國(guo),直(zhi)到北魏(wei)(wei)獻文(wen)帝皇興四年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)(470年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)),存在了(le)近(jin)四百年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)之久(jiu)的(de)“膠東(dong)縣”,其(qi)轄(xia)境是(shi)以今平(ping)度(du)(du)城(cheng)為(wei)(wei)中心的(de)地區(qu),面積約為(wei)(wei)今平(ping)度(du)(du)市(shi)的(de)三(san)分之一(yi)。魏(wei)(wei)晉(jin)十六國(guo)和(he)北魏(wei)(wei)前期著名(ming)的(de)“膠東(dong)城(cheng)”也一(yi)直(zhi)設在今平(ping)度(du)(du)城(cheng)②。清道光二十六年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)重修《平(ping)度(du)(du)州(zhou)志》,就是(shi)據上引《魏(wei)(wei)書(shu)·殷紹傳》中文(wen)字而將成(cheng)公興定為(wei)(wei)平(ping)度(du)(du)的(de)歷史名(ming)人的(de)。
道(dao)光《平度州志》的編纂者李圖先生(字少伯,掖縣人),以學識淵(yuan)博著稱,他還(huan)考證(zheng)成公(gong)興生當十六(liu)國時期(qi),從(cong)而糾正《萊州府(fu)志》“北魏(wei)人”之誤。可是(shi)《平度州志》對于(yu)《魏(wei)書·釋老志》里記載(zai)成公(gong)興事跡更多(duo)更詳的文字卻未采用。
《釋老志》稱(cheng):(寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi))服食餌藥(yao),歷年(nian)無效。幽誠上達,有仙(xian)人(ren)(ren)(ren)(ren)成公興(xing),不(bu)知何許人(ren)(ren)(ren)(ren),至謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)從(cong)母家(jia)傭(yong)賃。謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)常覲其姨,見興(xing)形貌(mao)甚強,力(li)作(zuo)(zuo)不(bu)倦。請(qing)回(hui)賃興(xing)代(dai)己使(shi)役。……謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)樹下(xia)坐算,興(xing)懇發(fa)致勤,時(shi)來(lai)看(kan)算。謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)謂(wei)(wei)曰:“汝但力(li)作(zuo)(zuo),何為(wei)看(kan)此?”二三日后(hou)(hou),復來(lai)看(kan)之(zhi)(zhi),如(ru)此不(bu)已。后(hou)(hou)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)算“七(qi)曜”,有所(suo)不(bu)了,惘(wang)然(ran)(ran)自(zi)(zi)失。興(xing)謂(wei)(wei)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)曰:“先(xian)(xian)生何為(wei)不(bu)懌?”謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)曰:“我學算累年(nian),而(er)近算《周髀》不(bu)合,以此自(zi)(zi)愧。且非(fei)汝所(suo)知,何勞問也!” 興(xing)曰:“先(xian)(xian)生試隨興(xing)語(yu)布之(zhi)(zhi)”。俄然(ran)(ran)便決。謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)嘆伏,不(bu)測(ce)興(xing)之(zhi)(zhi)淺深,請(qing)師(shi)(shi)事之(zhi)(zhi)。興(xing)固辭不(bu)肯,但求(qiu)為(wei)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)弟子(zi)。未幾,謂(wei)(wei)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)曰:“先(xian)(xian)生有意學道,豈能與(yu)興(xing)隱遁(dun)?”謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)欣然(ran)(ran)從(cong)之(zhi)(zhi)。興(xing)乃令謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)潔齋三日,共入(ru)華山。令謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)居(ju)一石室(shi),自(zi)(zi)出(chu)采藥(yao),還與(yu)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)食藥(yao),不(bu)復饑。乃將謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)入(ru)嵩山。有三重(zhong)石室(shi),令謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)住第(di)二室(shi)。歷年(nian),興(xing)謂(wei)(wei)謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)曰:“興(xing)出(chu)后(hou)(hou),當有人(ren)(ren)(ren)(ren)將藥(yao)來(lai),得(de)但食之(zhi)(zhi),莫(mo)為(wei)疑怪。”尋有人(ren)(ren)(ren)(ren)將藥(yao)而(er)至,皆(jie)是(shi)毒(du)蟲臭惡之(zhi)(zhi)物,謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)大(da)懼出(chu)走。興(xing)還問狀,謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)俱對,興(xing)嘆息(xi)曰:“先(xian)(xian)生未便得(de)仙(xian),政可為(wei)帝王師(shi)(shi)耳。”興(xing)事謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)七(qi)年(nian),而(er)謂(wei)(wei)之(zhi)(zhi)曰:“興(xing)不(bu)得(de)久留(liu),明日中應去。興(xing)亡后(hou)(hou),先(xian)(xian)生幸為(wei)沐浴(yu)(yu),自(zi)(zi)當有人(ren)(ren)(ren)(ren)見迎(ying)”興(xing)乃入(ru)第(di)三重(zhong)室(shi)而(er)卒。謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)躬(gong)自(zi)(zi)沐浴(yu)(yu)。明日中,有叩(kou)石室(shi)者(zhe),謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)出(chu)視,見兩(liang)童子(zi),一持(chi)(chi)法服,一持(chi)(chi)缽(bo)及錫(xi)杖(zhang)。謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)引入(ru),至興(xing)尸所(suo),興(xing)欻(hu)然(ran)(ran)而(er)起,著衣持(chi)(chi)缽(bo),執杖(zhang)而(er)去③。
看來,道(dao)(dao)光(guang)《平(ping)度州志》不取(qu)此(ci)《釋(shi)老(lao)志》之文(wen),當因修志者尊奉儒家(jia)正統(tong)觀念,排斥(chi)釋(shi)老(lao)之學(xue),尤其此(ci)類神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)仙(xian)(xian)(xian)故事(shi)多(duo)涉虛(xu)幻,文(wen)中(zhong)又(you)說成公興“不知何許人(ren)(ren)”,于是(shi)便被棄(qi)而不用了。其實,魏晉人(ren)(ren)的(de)(de)神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)仙(xian)(xian)(xian)鬼怪觀念,是(shi)和后世有(you)(you)別的(de)(de),誠如(ru)魯迅先生論《六(liu)朝之鬼神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)志怪書》所言:“中(zhong)國(guo)本(ben)信(xin)巫(wu),秦漢以來,神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)仙(xian)(xian)(xian)之說盛行,漢末又(you)大暢巫(wu)風,而鬼道(dao)(dao)愈熾;會小(xiao)乘佛(fo)教亦入中(zhong)土,漸見(jian)流傳。凡此(ci),皆(jie)張皇鬼神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen),稱(cheng)道(dao)(dao)靈異,故自晉迄隋,特多(duo)鬼神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)志怪之書。其書有(you)(you)出于文(wen)人(ren)(ren)者,有(you)(you)出于教徒者。文(wen)人(ren)(ren)之作,雖非(fei)如(ru)釋(shi)道(dao)(dao)二家(jia),意在自神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)其教,然亦非(fei)有(you)(you)意為小(xiao)說,蓋當時以為幽明雖殊途,而人(ren)(ren)鬼乃皆(jie)實有(you)(you),故其敘述異事(shi),與(yu)記(ji)載人(ren)(ren)間常事(shi),自視(shi)固無誠妄之別矣。”④有(you)(you)些(xie)史(shi)學(xue)家(jia)是(shi)很(hen)重視(shi)《魏書·釋(shi)老(lao)志》的(de)(de),對(dui)所記(ji)神(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)仙(xian)(xian)(xian)故事(shi),并不簡單地視(shi)為荒誕,而是(shi)透過虛(xu)幻的(de)(de)表面,看到具有(you)(you)重要意義的(de)(de)實質。
清代乾嘉(jia)時期的史學巨匠(jiang)錢大昕在其(qi)名著(zhu)《二十(shi)二史考(kao)異》中,對《魏書(shu)(shu)·釋(shi)(shi)老志》《仙人成公興》條,就曾以(yi)《殷紹(shao)傳(chuan)》釋(shi)(shi)成公興的籍貫。而進一步(bu)地將(jiang)上引《魏書(shu)(shu)》中的兩段文字聯系起(qi)來(lai)考(kao)證(zheng)并闡發其(qi)重(zhong)要價值的,則(ze)是二十(shi)世紀的史學大師(shi)陳寅恪先生。
1950年,陳先生發表了名文(wen)《崔浩與(yu)寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)》。文(wen)章的(de)前半(ban)即以論(lun)述寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)為主(zhu)。寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)是中國道(dao)教發展史上的(de)一位非(fei)常重要的(de)人物,成公興則對(dui)寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)有過至關(guan)重要的(de)影(ying)響(xiang)。陳寅恪(ke)先生先論(lun)證了寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)的(de)家世:寇(kou)氏原是漢(han)中張魯治下的(de)大族,曹(cao)操平漢(han)中,徙張魯徒眾于長安(an)及(ji)三(san)輔地區。“寇(kou)氏為豪(hao)宗大族,故有被徙之(zhi)(zhi)資格,以其為米賊馀黨,故其家世守天師道(dao)之(zhi)(zhi)信仰。然則寇(kou)謙(qian)之(zhi)(zhi)之(zhi)(zhi)所以早修張魯之(zhi)(zhi)術,固非(fei)偶然也。”⑤
對于《釋老志》中(zhong)關于寇謙(qian)之與成公(gong)興的一段記載,陳寅恪先生(sheng)認為(wei)(wei):“此(ci)節(jie)為(wei)(wei)吾(wu)國(guo)(guo)接(jie)受外來(lai)學(xue)說(shuo)(shuo)及技術(shu)之一重(zhong)公(gong)案”。“吾(wu)國(guo)(guo)道教雖(sui)起初原為(wei)(wei)本土(tu)之產物,而(er)(er)(er)其(qi)(qi)后逐漸接(jie)受模襲外來(lai)輸入之學(xue)說(shuo)(shuo)技術(shu),變易演進,遂成為(wei)(wei)一龐(pang)大復雜之混合體。綜觀二千年(nian)(nian)來(lai)道教之發展史,每一次之改革,必受一種外來(lai)學(xue)說(shuo)(shuo)之激刺,而(er)(er)(er)所(suo)受外來(lai)之學(xue)說(shuo)(shuo),要以佛(fo)教為(wei)(wei)主。” “寇謙(qian)之少修張魯之術(shu),即(ji)其(qi)(qi)家世(shi)所(suo)傳(chuan)之舊(jiu)道教。而(er)(er)(er)服食餌藥(yao)歷年(nian)(nian)無效,是其(qi)(qi)所(suo)傳(chuan)之舊(jiu)醫藥(yao)生(sheng)理學(xue)有待于新學(xue)之改進也。其(qi)(qi)學(xue)算累(lei)年(nian)(nian)而(er)(er)(er)算《七曜》、《周髀》有所(suo)不合,是其(qi)(qi)舊(jiu)傳(chuan)之天文算學(xue)亦有待于新學(xue)之改進也。”
陳寅恪先生稱“天(tian)算(suan)之學(xue)(xue)于道教至為(wei)重要(yao)”。通過旁(pang)征博考,他(ta)(ta)認(ren)為(wei)魏晉(jin)以前的《周(zhou)髀(bi)(bi)》蓋天(tian)之術為(wei)舊術(按:《周(zhou)髀(bi)(bi)》是中(zhong)國古代(dai)的天(tian)文歷算(suan)著作,主要(yao)內容是對古代(dai)宇宙天(tian)體(ti)論《蓋天(tian)說》進行數(shu)學(xue)(xue)計算(suan) ),聯系(xi)《殷紹傳》所(suo)述(shu),陳先生認(ren)為(wei)成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)與當時(shi)的佛教徒有密切關系(xi),他(ta)(ta)介紹的向殷紹傳授醫學(xue)(xue)、算(suan)學(xue)(xue)的名師曇影(ying)、法(fa)穆(mu)以及(ji)“和公(gong)(gong)”,都(dou)是佛教徒,“寇(kou)(kou)謙之、殷紹從(cong)成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)、曇影(ying)、法(fa)穆(mu)等受(shou)《周(zhou)髀(bi)(bi)》算(suan)術,是從(cong)佛教受(shou)天(tian)竺輸(shu)入(ru)(ru)之‘新(xin)蓋天(tian)說’”。寇(kou)(kou)謙之用其世(shi)代(dai)所(suo)傳舊法(fa)累(lei)年(nian)算(suan)《七曜》、《周(zhou)髀(bi)(bi)》不合(he) ,可是按照成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)的算(suan)法(fa),卻“俄然便決(jue)”,竟使寇(kou)(kou)謙之大為(wei)嘆(tan)服 ,愿立即拜師。雖成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)堅(jian)辭(ci)不肯,此(ci)后寇(kou)(kou)謙之卻隨(sui)成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)入(ru)(ru)嵩(song)山修練,七年(nian)之后,成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)仙(xian)去,寇(kou)(kou)謙之則運(yun)用他(ta)(ta)從(cong)成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興(xing)(xing)那里(li)學(xue)(xue)到的佛教受(shou)天(tian)竺輸(shu)入(ru)(ru)之“新(xin)蓋天(tian)說”(另(ling)外還有佛教的“律(lv)學(xue)(xue)”),成(cheng)(cheng)功(gong)地對道教進行了(le)改革(ge)。
據《魏(wei)(wei)書·釋老(lao)志》:寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)于北(bei)(bei)魏(wei)(wei)明(ming)元(yuan)帝(di)神瑞二年(公(gong)元(yuan)415年)十月(yue),自稱太上(shang)老(lao)君親(qin)臨嵩山,授給(gei)他真經(jing),令他“清整道(dao)(dao)(dao)教(jiao)(jiao),除去三張(zhang)(指張(zhang)陵、張(zhang)衡、張(zhang)魯)偽法(fa)(fa)、租米(mi)錢稅及男(nan)女合(he)氣之(zhi)術(shu)。太常八年(423年),又稱有“牧土(tu)上(shang)師(shi)李譜文來臨嵩岳”教(jiao)(jiao)道(dao)(dao)(dao)眾“修身煉藥,學(xue)長生之(zhi)術(shu)”。寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)成功(gong)地改造了舊(jiu)的(de)道(dao)(dao)(dao)教(jiao)(jiao) ,得到了北(bei)(bei)方(fang)士族領袖當時還深受北(bei)(bei)魏(wei)(wei)太武(wu)帝(di)崇(chong)(chong)信(xin)的(de)崔浩(hao)的(de)支(zhi)持(chi),進而(er)(er)得到太武(wu)帝(di)的(de)賞識,太武(wu)帝(di)“崇(chong)(chong)奉(feng)天(tian)師(shi),顯揚新法(fa)(fa)”,“建道(dao)(dao)(dao)壇,親(qin)受符錄”。以后的(de)北(bei)(bei)魏(wei)(wei)皇帝(di)皆例行不輟。總(zong)之(zhi),寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)是把原始的(de)道(dao)(dao)(dao)教(jiao)(jiao)改革成為(wei)具有完整的(de)教(jiao)(jiao)義、教(jiao)(jiao)規(gui),從而(er)(er)使道(dao)(dao)(dao)教(jiao)(jiao)成為(wei)與勢力興(xing)(xing)盛的(de)佛教(jiao)(jiao)并列的(de)一位關鍵人物⑥,而(er)(er)膠東(dong)(今平度)人成公(gong)興(xing)(xing)作為(wei)寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)實際(ji)上(shang)的(de)老(lao)師(shi)則長達七(qi)年之(zhi)久,對于寇謙(qian)(qian)(qian)之(zhi)以后的(de)作為(wei)和(he)事業,影(ying)響(xiang)至為(wei)重大和(he)深遠。
陳(chen)寅恪先生認(ren)為(wei)(wei)《魏書》中(zhong)有關成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興的兩段文字(zi)“其(qi)時間與空間二者(zhe)俱相適合,自(zi)(zi)不待(dai)言”。現(xian)試作具體推算:殷(yin)紹(shao)上(shang)《四(si)序堪(kan)輿》為(wei)(wei)公(gong)(gong)元(yuan)(yuan)458年(nian)(nian)(nian)(太安四(si)年(nian)(nian)(nian)),他(ta)(ta)(ta)“以(yi)甲寅之(zhi)年(nian)(nian)(nian)奉辭(曇)影等。自(zi)(zi)爾至今,四(si)十五載(zai)”。則(ze)此(ci)甲寅當為(wei)(wei)北(bei)魏明(ming)元(yuan)(yuan)帝神瑞元(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(nian),即公(gong)(gong)元(yuan)(yuan)414年(nian)(nian)(nian)。殷(yin)紹(shao)師(shi)從曇影等四(si)年(nian)(nian)(nian),開始為(wei)(wei)410年(nian)(nian)(nian),則(ze)他(ta)(ta)(ta)向成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興學《九章要術》和成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興“北(bei)還”,可假定為(wei)(wei)408年(nian)(nian)(nian)。再看寇謙之(zhi):他(ta)(ta)(ta)于415年(nian)(nian)(nian)(明(ming)元(yuan)(yuan)帝神瑞二年(nian)(nian)(nian))自(zi)(zi)稱遇太上(shang)老君,而(er)此(ci)前(qian)成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興“仙去(qu)”,“興事(shi)謙之(zhi)七年(nian)(nian)(nian)”,則(ze)寇謙之(zhi)初(chu)遇成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興,約在408年(nian)(nian)(nian)。于是,似(si)可認(ren)為(wei)(wei),成(cheng)(cheng)公(gong)(gong)興離開伊川,不久(jiu)便西去(qu)關中(zhong),遇到(dao)了寇謙之(zhi) 。他(ta)(ta)(ta)真正(zheng)“稀在人間”是在七年(nian)(nian)(nian)之(zhi)后(hou),從嵩山“著衣持缽,執杖而(er)去(qu)”的。
假(jia)定(ding)公元408年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)時(shi)(shi)已被殷紹(shao)稱為(wei)(wei)“游遁大儒”而(er)且被寇(kou)謙之(zhi)認為(wei)(wei)“力(li)作甚強(qiang)”的(de)(de)(de)成(cheng)公興(xing),時(shi)(shi)為(wei)(wei)45歲(sui)(至多不應超過(guo)50歲(sui)),其(qi)生年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)則(ze)約為(wei)(wei)363年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)。其(qi)時(shi)(shi)膠(jiao)東(dong)處于(yu)前(qian)(qian)燕治下,370年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian),前(qian)(qian)秦(qin)(qin)滅(mie)前(qian)(qian)燕,383年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)淝(fei)(fei)水之(zhi)戰(zhan),前(qian)(qian)秦(qin)(qin)解體時(shi)(shi),成(cheng)公興(xing)約為(wei)(wei)20歲(sui)。氐族苻氏(shi)的(de)(de)(de)前(qian)(qian)秦(qin)(qin)是十六國(guo)時(shi)(shi)期(qi)最強(qiang)盛的(de)(de)(de)王朝(chao),其(qi)版(ban)圖“東(dong)極滄海,西(xi)并(bing)龜茲,南(nan)苞襄陽,北(bei)盡(jin)沙(sha)漠”,一度出(chu)現了(le)“兵(bing)強(qiang)國(guo)富,垂及升平(ping)”的(de)(de)(de)局面。成(cheng)公興(xing)的(de)(de)(de)青年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)時(shi)(shi)代是在(zai)前(qian)(qian)秦(qin)(qin)治下度過(guo)的(de)(de)(de),得(de)以(yi)打下了(le)堅實的(de)(de)(de)學問基礎。淝(fei)(fei)水之(zhi)戰(zhan)后(hou),青州先為(wei)(wei)后(hou)燕(384——398)、繼為(wei)(wei)南(nan)燕(399——410)所有,今膠(jiao)東(dong)半島地區,并(bing)未(wei)遭受(shou)大的(de)(de)(de)社會變亂。而(er)自劉裕(yu)滅(mie)南(nan)燕,青州歸屬江南(nan)后(hou),青州則(ze)陷入了(le)嚴(yan)重的(de)(de)(de)戰(zhan)亂之(zhi)中(zhong)。淝(fei)(fei)水之(zhi)戰(zhan)后(hou),羌族姚(yao)氏(shi)在(zai)關中(zhong)建立的(de)(de)(de)后(hou)秦(qin)(qin),經濟和(he)文化都較周邊(bian)政權為(wei)(wei)好,成(cheng)公興(xing)中(zhong)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)時(shi)(shi)期(qi)離(li)開戰(zhan)亂不已的(de)(de)(de)家(jia)鄉,到了(le)后(hou)秦(qin)(qin)治下的(de)(de)(de)嵩洛(luo)和(he)三輔一帶,避世而(er)不忘(wang)授業。他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)學問既有深厚的(de)(de)(de)儒家(jia)根(gen)基,又(you)有豐富的(de)(de)(de)釋老內(nei)容,尤其(qi)在(zai)天(tian)文歷算和(he)醫藥方面,他(ta)掌(zhang)握了(le)外來佛教在(zai)這些(xie)學科中(zhong)的(de)(de)(de)先進知識和(he)技術,并(bing)通過(guo)他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)弟子(zi)殷紹(shao)和(he)寇(kou)謙之(zhi),用于(yu)實踐(jian),得(de)以(yi)發(fa)揚而(er)光(guang)大之(zhi)。
今天,撇開釋老神仙之(zhi)(zhi)說不(bu)論,我們對于成公興的真實面(mian)目已經有(you)了(le)具(ju)體的了(le)解,歷(li)史文化名(ming)人(ren)之(zhi)(zhi)稱(cheng),他應該是當之(zhi)(zhi)無愧的。 注: ①《魏(wei)書》卷(juan)九(jiu)十一。 ②參見《魏(wei)書·地形志》和譚其(qi)驤(xiang)先生(sheng)主編的《中國歷(li)史地圖集》。 ③《魏(wei)書》卷(juan)一一四。 ④魯迅(xun):《中國小說史略》。 ⑤本文以下所引(yin)陳寅(yin)恪先生(sheng)文,皆出自《金明(ming)鈸叢(cong)稿初(chu)編·崔浩(hao)與寇謙之(zhi)(zhi)》。 ⑥參見葛兆光(guang)《中國思想史》第(di)一卷(juan)第(di)三編第(di)三節《清(qing)整道教》。