生平經歷
政變即位
元(yuan)文(wen)(wen)宗孛兒只斤(jin)·圖帖睦爾,又稱札(zha)牙篤皇(huang)帝,元(yuan)武(wu)宗次子,元(yuan)明宗之弟,母文(wen)(wen)獻(xian)昭圣皇(huang)后(hou),唐兀氏。其父(fu)元(yuan)武(wu)宗海山(shan)即(ji)(ji)位后(hou),立(li)弟弟愛育黎(li)拔力八(ba)(ba)達(da)(da)為(wei)皇(huang)太子,愛育黎(li)拔力八(ba)(ba)達(da)(da)即(ji)(ji)位后(hou),將武(wu)宗的兒子周(zhou)王和世?(后(hou)來的元(yuan)明宗)和圖帖睦爾流(liu)放到南境。圖帖睦爾被流(liu)放至海南瓊(qiong)州,泰定帝也孫鐵(tie)木兒即(ji)(ji)位后(hou)召還京,晉(jin)封懷王,出居建康、江(jiang)陵等地。
致和(he)元(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)(1328年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian))七(qi)月(yue),泰定(ding)帝(di)(di)死,知(zhi)樞密院事燕(yan)鐵(tie)(tie)木兒在(zai)發動大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)政(zheng)變(bian),謀立武宗(zong)長(chang)(chang)子(zi)周(zhou)王(wang)和(he)世(shi)?為(wei)帝(di)(di),后(hou)以(yi)路遠(yuan)改(gai)立圖(tu)(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾。燕(yan)鐵(tie)(tie)木兒自大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)發難(nan)(nan)之(zhi)初,即(ji)(ji)屬意于出藩江陵的(de)武宗(zong)次子(zi)圖(tu)(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾為(wei)帝(di)(di)位(wei)(wei)繼(ji)承人(ren)。雖(sui)然(ran)他“且宣言已遣(qian)使(shi)北迎”武宗(zong)長(chang)(chang)子(zi)和(he)世(shi)?于北邊,后(hou)來又矯稱(cheng)(cheng)和(he)世(shi)?使(shi)者南(nan)來,“云周(zhou)王(wang)從諸(zhu)王(wang)兵整駕南(nan)轅,旦夕即(ji)(ji)至矣”,但兩都(dou)(dou)之(zhi)戰結束(shu)前,大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)政(zheng)權并沒有真(zhen)正派(pai)使(shi)者去邀約過和(he)世(shi)?南(nan)還。當(dang)時由大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)通往漠北,不(bu)一(yi)定(ding)非(fei)取(qu)道上都(dou)(dou)。因此燕(yan)鐵(tie)(tie)木兒的(de)這種做法,很難(nan)(nan)用兩京道路不(bu)通來解釋,應當(dang)別有用心。圖(tu)(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾到達大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)的(de)翌月(yue)(致和(he)元(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)九月(yue)),燕(yan)鐵(tie)(tie)木兒即(ji)(ji)以(yi)“人(ren)心向背之(zhi)機(ji),間(jian)不(bu)容發”為(wei)諫(jian),示(shi)意圖(tu)(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾搶先即(ji)(ji)位(wei)(wei)。五天(tian)之(zhi)后(hou),圖(tu)(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾在(zai)大(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)稱(cheng)(cheng)帝(di)(di),以(yi)當(dang)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian)為(wei)天(tian)歷元(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(nian),同(tong)時宣布(bu)“謹俟大(da)(da)兄(xiong)之(zhi)至,以(yi)遂朕固讓之(zhi)心”。
上都克復后(hou),圖帖(tie)睦(mu)爾迫(po)于(yu)元仁宗(zong)(zong)在大德末(mo)年(nian)“推奉圣兄、謙(qian)居儲貳”的(de)(de)前例,遣使往迎和(he)世(shi)(shi)?。寄居于(yu)西(xi)北(bei)(bei)宗(zong)(zong)藩封地(di)的(de)(de)和(he)世(shi)(shi)?,這(zhe)時(shi)剛滿三十歲。根(gen)據(ju)叔侄相繼原(yuan)則,他(ta)本應是仁宗(zong)(zong)的(de)(de)帝位繼承人,卻被逼迫(po)流落北(bei)(bei)徼,因而博得北(bei)(bei)方宗(zong)(zong)王(wang)(wang)(wang)的(de)(de)普(pu)遍(bian)同情;仁、英兩朝加強漢法(fa)而引起(qi)的(de)(de)草原(yuan)貴族的(de)(de)不滿心理,可(ke)能更(geng)刺激起(qi)他(ta)們要把和(he)世(shi)(shi)?推上大汗寶座(zuo)的(de)(de)政治動(dong)機。所以當大都使者抵臨時(shi),“朔漠諸(zhu)王(wang)(wang)(wang)皆勸(quan)帝(按指和(he)世(shi)(shi)?)南還京(jing)師(shi)”。和(he)世(shi)(shi)?在一片擁戴聲中,飄然啟程,于(yu)天(tian)歷元年(nian)(1328)底東至金山。嶺(ling)北(bei)(bei)行省平章潑皮、出(chu)鎮北(bei)(bei)邊(bian)的(de)(de)武寧王(wang)(wang)(wang)徹徹禿相繼西(xi)馳奉迎。和(he)世(shi)(shi)?已完(wan)全陶醉在這(zhe)番太平景象中。天(tian)歷二年(nian)(1329年(nian))正(zheng)月末(mo),他(ta)在事先(xian)沒有告知圖帖(tie)睦(mu)爾的(de)(de)情況下,僅僅經過扈行的(de)(de)察(cha)合臺宗(zong)(zong)王(wang)(wang)(wang)以及在場的(de)(de)其他(ta)漠北(bei)(bei)諸(zhu)王(wang)(wang)(wang)、大臣(chen)合議,就在和(he)林之北(bei)(bei)即皇帝位。
明文之爭
但是(shi),和(he)(he)世(shi)(shi)?似乎過高地估計了漠北(bei)(bei)輿情(qing)在(zai)決定(ding)嗣君(jun)人選方(fang)面的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)影響力。他(ta)(ta)(ta)一(yi)心(xin)以(yi)為(wei)(wei)自己可以(yi)重演乃父武宗在(zai)皇弟(di)“肅清(qing)宮闈”之后從(cong)(cong)漠北(bei)(bei)南返即位的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)歷(li)史(shi)故事(shi),卻(que)忘記了武宗作(zuo)為(wei)(wei)總兵(bing)北(bei)(bei)邊(bian)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)統帥,是(shi)以(yi)三(san)萬精兵(bing)相(xiang)扈從(cong)(cong)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)強(qiang)大(da)武力為(wei)(wei)后盾而取得帝(di)位的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)。和(he)(he)世(shi)(shi)?并沒有(you)(you)直接(jie)控制強(qiang)大(da)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)軍(jun)隊,只有(you)(you)貼身衛士一(yi)千八百多(duo)人;察合(he)臺后王燕只吉臺雖(sui)(sui)然與他(ta)(ta)(ta)一(yi)同(tong)南返,但是(shi)也未見有(you)(you)重兵(bing)隨行(xing)。和(he)(he)世(shi)(shi)?欲憑極(ji)其(qi)有(you)(you)限(xian)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)政治資源,去染指大(da)都集團幾經浴血奮戰才到(dao)手的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)皇位,前(qian)途本來就不(bu)容樂觀。但他(ta)(ta)(ta)對此毫不(bu)經心(xin),任(ren)情(qing)舉(ju)措,終(zhong)于導致殺身之禍。四月,攜帶玉璽北(bei)(bei)迎和(he)(he)世(shi)(shi)?的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)燕鐵(tie)木(mu)兒(er)一(yi)行(xing)至(zhi)行(xing)在(zai)入覲(jin)。這個左右(you)大(da)都局(ju)勢的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)蓋世(shi)(shi)功臣,現在(zai)要當面試(shi)探一(yi)下新君(jun)對他(ta)(ta)(ta)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)態度。和(he)(he)世(shi)(shi)?雖(sui)(sui)然宣布“凡京師百官,朕弟(di)所用者,并仍其(qi)舊(jiu)”,對燕鐵(tie)木(mu)兒(er)“仍命為(wei)(wei)中(zhong)書右(you)丞(cheng)相(xiang),開府儀同(tong)三(san)司、上柱國(guo)、錄(lu)軍(jun)國(guo)重事(shi)、監修國(guo)史(shi)、答剌罕、太平王并如故”,但是(shi)卻(que)削去了他(ta)(ta)(ta)手中(zhong)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)大(da)部分(fen)兵(bing)權,沒有(you)(you)將(jiang)圖(tu)帖睦爾(er)原授的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)知樞(shu)密院(yuan)事(shi)一(yi)職重新委任(ren)給他(ta)(ta)(ta)。
對圖帖睦爾(er)來(lai)說,一經即(ji)位(wei)(wei)為(wei)帝(di),原先的(de)(de)(de)“固讓(rang)(rang)之(zhi)心”也逐漸銷蝕。可(ke)是(shi)(shi)因為(wei)已(yi)有前言(yan)昭示天(tian)(tian)下(xia),他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)心情十(shi)(shi)(shi)分矛(mao)盾。天(tian)(tian)歷元(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(1328年(nian)(nian))十(shi)(shi)(shi)一月,迎(ying)接和世?到(dao)京即(ji)位(wei)(wei)的(de)(de)(de)首批使臣(chen)離開大(da)都(dou)。僅僅十(shi)(shi)(shi)幾天(tian)(tian)以(yi)(yi)后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou),圖帖睦爾(er)又下(xia)令為(wei)自(zi)己的(de)(de)(de)元(yuan)妃卜答失里(li)造皇后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)玉(yu)冊、玉(yu)寶。次年(nian)(nian)正(zheng)月,和世?的(de)(de)(de)使者抵達大(da)都(dou)。圖帖睦爾(er)在(zai)(zai)明(ming)知大(da)兄已(yi)決意南歸(gui)的(de)(de)(de)情況下(xia),仍搶先完成(cheng)以(yi)(yi)冊命皇后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)告于(yu)(yu)(yu)南郊、太廟,以(yi)(yi)及在(zai)(zai)大(da)明(ming)殿冊封皇后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)的(de)(de)(de)一系列儀(yi)式。當時(shi)朝(chao)(chao)臣(chen)中(zhong)有人(ren)建言(yan):“陛下(xia)已(yi)詔(zhao)天(tian)(tian)下(xia),讓(rang)(rang)位(wei)(wei)于(yu)(yu)(yu)大(da)兄。今立后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou),是(shi)(shi)與詔(zhao)自(zi)相(xiang)違(wei)也。”圖帖睦爾(er)聞奏,“嘉其直,賜(si)(si)金織文幣以(yi)(yi)旌之(zhi)。后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)聞之(zhi),亦有金幣之(zhi)賜(si)(si)”;惟冊后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)典(dian)禮仍照行(xing)不誤。不過(guo)至少直到(dao)五月下(xia)旬,圖帖睦爾(er)自(zi)大(da)都(dou)北(bei)行(xing)、親迎(ying)和世?的(de)(de)(de)前后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou),他(ta)還是(shi)(shi)準備恪守讓(rang)(rang)位(wei)(wei)諾言(yan)的(de)(de)(de)。出(chu)發后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)第三(san)天(tian)(tian),他(ta)在(zai)(zai)途中(zhong)“置江淮財(cai)(cai)賦(fu)(fu)都(dou)總管府(fu)(fu),秩正(zheng)三(san)品,隸(li)詹事院(yuan)”。這個機(ji)構(gou)初建于(yu)(yu)(yu)元(yuan)朝(chao)(chao)滅(mie)宋之(zhi)后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou),掌宋謝太后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)、福(fu)王獻(xian)納產(chan)業及賈似(si)道等人(ren)田地所納賦(fu)(fu)稅,原隸(li)屬皇后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)中(zhong)宮(gong),于(yu)(yu)(yu)大(da)德八年(nian)(nian)(1304年(nian)(nian))罷廢(fei)。圖帖睦爾(er)在(zai)(zai)此時(shi)恢復江淮財(cai)(cai)賦(fu)(fu)府(fu)(fu)的(de)(de)(de)建制,并(bing)將它改隸(li)東(dong)宮(gong)官(guan)署詹事院(yuan),顯然是(shi)(shi)為(wei)自(zi)己日(ri)后(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)(hou)以(yi)(yi)皇太子身分控制這筆重(zhong)要的(de)(de)(de)財(cai)(cai)產(chan)資源(yuan)預作準備。
圖帖睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)用了(le)一(yi)個多月(yue),才走完從(cong)大都(dou)(dou)到上(shang)都(dou)(dou)這段沉重的(de)路(lu)程。在(zai)(zai)(zai)上(shang)都(dou)(dou)停留或有二旬,再取(qu)原路(lu)趨赴旺忽察都(dou)(dou)(在(zai)(zai)(zai)今河(he)北張北縣境,是(shi)為(wei)大都(dou)(dou)至上(shang)都(dou)(dou)驛路(lu)的(de)大拐角處,武宗(zong)(zong)時建行宮于(yu)茲(zi),故(gu)名中都(dou)(dou)),與和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?會面。八(ba)月(yue)一(yi)日,和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?抵達旺忽察都(dou)(dou)。次(ci)日,圖帖睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)見大兄于(yu)行宮。和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?設宴待(dai)皇(huang)弟及諸王、大臣。兄弟歡合的(de)場面前后(hou)未(wei)滿五(wu)天(tian)(tian),和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?即于(yu)八(ba)月(yue)六(liu)日“暴(bao)(bao)崩”。圖帖睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)“入臨哭盡(jin)哀。鐵燕木(mu)兒以明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)后(hou)之命,奉皇(huang)帝寶授于(yu)帝”,遂(sui)簇擁(yong)圖帖睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)疾(ji)驅還上(shang)都(dou)(dou),一(yi)路(lu)上(shang)“晝(zhou)則率宿衛(wei)士以扈(hu)從(cong),夜則躬擐甲(jia)胃繞幄殿(dian)巡護”。八(ba)月(yue)十五(wu)日,圖帖睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)在(zai)(zai)(zai)返回(hui)上(shang)都(dou)(dou)的(de)第六(liu)天(tian)(tian)再次(ci)勿匆即位,是(shi)為(wei)文宗(zong)(zong)。明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?在(zai)(zai)(zai)天(tian)(tian)歷之變中暴(bao)(bao)卒的(de)詳(xiang)情,可能(neng)已永(yong)遠成為(wei)歷史的(de)秘密。和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?之子妥歡貼睦(mu)爾(er)(er)(er)(er)親政(zheng)后(hou),為(wei)撤文宗(zong)(zong)廟主(zhu)詔告(gao)天(tian)(tian)下曰(yue):“文宗(zong)(zong)稔(ren)惡不(bu)悛,當躬迓(ya)之際,乃(nai)與其臣月(yue)魯不(bu)花、也(ye)里(li)牙(ya)、明(ming)理董阿等(deng)謀為(wei)不(bu)軌(gui),使我皇(huang)考飲恨上(shang)賓。”至順元年(nian)(nian)(1330),也(ye)里(li)牙(ya)得(de)復秦國公爵位,其姻親鎖住亦再仕為(wei)將作使,應即文宗(zong)(zong)對他們(men)參與謀殺和(he)世(shi)(shi)(shi)?的(de)獎賞。但同(tong)年(nian)(nian)七(qi)月(yue),鎖住、也(ye)里(li)牙(ya)等(deng)人“以坐怨望、造符(fu)錄、祭北斗、咒(zhou)咀(ju)”伏誅,與之有牽(qian)連的(de)明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)舊人索(suo)羅等(deng)亦一(yi)起被(bei)殺。屠寄認為(wei),“也(ye)里(li)牙(ya)景教徒,必無造符(fu)錄、祭北斗事,蓋不(bu)便論(lun)其本辠,虛構獄辭,以飾觀聽耳”。
至順文治
文宗(zong)(zong)的(de)(de)漢文化修(xiu)養(yang)超過(guo)(guo)(guo)在他(ta)(ta)(ta)之(zhi)前(qian)的(de)(de)所有元朝皇帝。他(ta)(ta)(ta)的(de)(de)書法(fa),“落(luo)筆過(guo)(guo)(guo)人,得唐太(tai)(tai)宗(zong)(zong)晉祠碑風,遂(sui)益(yi)超詣”。他(ta)(ta)(ta)還會作畫,所繪“萬歲山(shan)畫”草圖,“意匠、經營、格法(fa),雖(sui)積學專(zhuan)工(gong),所莫能及(ji)”。他(ta)(ta)(ta)曾經轉輾流落(luo)于江南、海(hai)南和荊湖,對當(dang)時民(min)情(qing)也應有相當(dang)的(de)(de)了解。不過(guo)(guo)(guo),文宗(zong)(zong)卻處在一個很難(nan)有所作為(wei)的(de)(de)時代。天歷年間連(lian)(lian)續兩次重大的(de)(de)變故,致使蒙古色目上(shang)層人心(xin)離散。兩都戰后遭籍沒(mei)財產的(de)(de)官(guan)(guan)員貴族(zu)在百(bai)人以上(shang);對隔絕在圍城中(zhong)的(de)(de)上(shang)都官(guan)(guan)員,后來雖(sui)然停止(zhi)追究(jiu),但很多仍被(bei)削去官(guan)(guan)職不復任用。明(ming)(ming)宗(zong)(zong)被(bei)弒(shi),蒙古朝官(guan)(guan)中(zhong)即有人“移(yi)疾不出”,有諸(zhu)王、高級官(guan)(guan)員甚至西域名(ming)僧參(can)與的(de)(de)“謀不軌(gui)”案接連(lian)(lian)發生,有的(de)(de)逕以“明(ming)(ming)宗(zong)(zong)太(tai)(tai)子”為(wei)號召。
天歷(li)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)(1328年(nian)(nian))四(si)川平章政事(shi)囊(nang)加臺(tai)舉兵(bing),實際上是“欲翊戴明宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)”;和世?一(yi)(yi)死(si),文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)擔心原已詔赦的(de)囊(nang)加臺(tai)復舉事(shi),立(li)即(ji)(ji)以其“指斥乘輿,坐大(da)(da)不(bu)(bu)道(dao)(dao)棄市”。云南(nan)行省丞相也(ye)兒吉尼是武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)舊臣乞臺(tai)普濟之子,本人亦曾扈武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)鎮(zhen)北。天歷(li)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)即(ji)(ji)位(wei)后(hou)(hou),兩次召(zhao)也(ye)兒吉尼入朝(chao),不(bu)(bu)至。他(ta)不(bu)(bu)大(da)(da)可能(neng)站(zhan)在上都(dou)一(yi)(yi)邊反(fan)對武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)后(hou)(hou)人;抗(kang)命不(bu)(bu)至,當是出于效忠(zhong)和世?的(de)立(li)場。二(er)年(nian)(nian)三月(yue)(yue),也(ye)兒吉尼大(da)(da)概猶疑動搖,想要投奔文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong),故(gu)被云南(nan)諸(zhu)(zhu)王及其他(ta)省官黜斥,取道(dao)(dao)八(ba)(ba)番赴大(da)(da)都(dou)。六月(yue)(yue),明宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)南(nan)歸(gui)途中(zhong)曾“賜駙(fu)馬脫必(bi)兒鈔(chao)千錠,往(wang)云南(nan)”。直(zhi)到明宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)暴死(si)、文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)再即(ji)(ji)位(wei)之后(hou)(hou),云南(nan)諸(zhu)(zhu)王禿堅等(deng)才最(zui)后(hou)(hou)改變(bian)觀望態度,于至順(shun)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)正(zheng)(zheng)月(yue)(yue)公開稱兵(bing)。戰(zhan)火彌漫整(zheng)個滇東北,元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)廷先(xian)后(hou)(hou)調(diao)四(si)川、江浙、河南(nan)、江西、陜西、朵(duo)甘思(si)、朵(duo)思(si)麻等(deng)處軍隊,歷(li)時年(nian)(nian)余(yu),方始平亂(luan)。自忽必(bi)烈朝(chao)以來(lai)(lai),蒙(meng)古高(gao)層內部的(de)躁動不(bu)(bu)穩,以文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)朝(chao)為(wei)甚。所以陳(chen)思(si)謙在至順(shun)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)年(nian)(nian)“建明八(ba)(ba)事(shi)”,除了“正(zheng)(zheng)君道(dao)(dao)”外(wai),最(zui)先(xian)提到的(de)就是“結人心”;虞集為(wei)殿試擬制策,亦首以“勸親親,體群(qun)臣,同(tong)一(yi)(yi)風(feng)俗,協和萬邦”為(wei)問。由于政治(zhi)和經濟環境(jing)的(de)限制,文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)臨朝(chao)四(si)年(nian)(nian)間,只好專(zhuan)心著意,以追求振興(xing)文(wen)(wen)(wen)治(zhi)的(de)表面效果(guo)為(wei)滿足。通過建立(li)奎章閣(ge)學(xue)士院和修撰《經世大(da)(da)典(dian)》,他(ta)將當時幾乎(hu)所有的(de)名儒都(dou)籠絡(luo)在自己周(zhou)圍,用虛崇文(wen)(wen)(wen)儒的(de)手(shou)段來(lai)(lai)收攬漢地民(min)心。
晚年逝世
文宗(zong)重(zhong)祚以(yi)后,修《經世(shi)大(da)典》,建圭章閣,欲興文治。但是文宗(zong)在位(wei)期(qi)(qi)間,丞相燕帖(tie)木兒自持有功,玩弄朝廷,元朝朝政(zheng)更加(jia)腐(fu)敗,國(guo)勢更加(jia)衰落。文宗(zong)在位(wei)期(qi)(qi)間國(guo)內多爆發農民起義,大(da)動(dong)亂正在醞釀(niang)之中。
至順三(san)年(nian)(1332年(nian))八月(yue),文宗(zong)病死,終年(nian)29歲,死前自(zi)悔謀害(hai)兄長之事,吐露真情,遺詔立明(ming)宗(zong)之子以(yi)自(zi)贖。死后葬起輦谷(gu),廟號文宗(zong),謚號圣明(ming)元孝皇(huang)帝(di),尊號(汗號)札牙篤汗。
文(wen)宗(zong)臨(lin)終前囑咐道:“昔者晃忽叉(即旺忽察都(dou))之(zhi)(zhi)事,為(wei)朕平生大錯。朕嘗中(zhong)夜思之(zhi)(zhi),悔之(zhi)(zhi)無及”。他決意傳位給明(ming)(ming)(ming)宗(zong)長子(zi)(zi)妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾。當時權傾(qing)天(tian)下(xia)(xia)的燕(yan)鐵木兒(er)擔心事情敗露,決定封(feng)鎖(suo)文(wen)宗(zong)遺詔,傳位給明(ming)(ming)(ming)宗(zong)次子(zi)(zi)懿(yi)磷質班(ban),是為(wei)寧宗(zong)。年(nian)僅(jin)7歲的寧宗(zong)在(zai)位53天(tian)后得病而死。燕(yan)鐵木兒(er)千方百(bai)計阻擾妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾繼位,直到燕(yan)鐵木兒(er)病死,妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾才登基稱帝。當年(nian)翊(yi)戴明(ming)(ming)(ming)宗(zong)、文(wen)宗(zong)奪(duo)位的伯顏起(qi)而代之(zhi)(zhi),拜(bai)中(zhong)書右(you)丞(cheng)相(xiang),進封(feng)秦王,在(zai)與(yu)燕(yan)鐵木兒(er)子(zi)(zi)、左丞(cheng)相(xiang)唐(tang)其勢爭(zheng)奪(duo)權勢的斗爭(zheng)中(zhong)取勝。此后,伯顏“獨(du)秉國鈞,專(zhuan)權自恣(zi),變亂(luan)祖宗(zong)成憲,虐害天(tian)下(xia)(xia),漸有奸(jian)謀”。
為政舉措
在(zai)文(wen)化(hua)方(fang)面, 文(wen)宗作(zuo)出(chu)了(le)很(hen)大的(de)貢獻, 他重視(shi)文(wen)治(zhi),為文(wen)化(hua)的(de)發展作(zuo)出(chu)了(le)很(hen)大的(de)貢獻。他在(zai)位(wei)期(qi)間,創(chuang)建奎章閣,編修(xiu)《經世(shi)大典》,為研究元朝(chao)(chao)的(de)歷史提供了(le)一筆寶貴(gui)的(de)財富,但元文(wen)宗崇尚佛教(jiao),走向(xiang)極端,一是帝師的(de)規格太(tai)高,二(er)是某些徒屬依權(quan)恃勢(shi),為非作(zuo)歹,三(san)是濫做佛事(shi),耗資巨(ju)大,四(si)是佛教(jiao)徒干(gan)預朝(chao)(chao)政,五(wu)是創(chuang)立廣教(jiao)總(zong)管(guan)府(fu),以(yi)掌僧尼之政,全國共設置16所(suo),“秩(zhi)正三(san)品”。僧尼可免一切差徭,而其(qi)它宗教(jiao)則奉行祖制。當時色目(mu)人在(zai)朝(chao)(chao)廷上的(de)政治(zhi)勢(shi)力被削弱(ruo),而欽察官僚集(ji)團(tuan)則權(quan)勢(shi)大增,燕(yan)鐵木兒(er)擅權(quan)恣縱,政事(shi)一決于他,導(dao)致貴(gui)族統治(zhi)集(ji)團(tuan)內(nei)部(bu)尖銳的(de)矛盾。
歷史評價
清朝史(shi)學家邵(shao)遠平《元(yuan)史(shi)類編(bian)》的評價是(shi):“冊曰(yue):應變(bian)戡亂,莫匪爾勞;璽(xi)綬雖去,太阿已操;前車所鑒,燭(zhu)影斧聲;從來疑案(an),多在弟兄。”
清朝(chao)史學(xue)(xue)(xue)家魏源《元(yuan)史新編(bian)》的(de)(de)評價是(shi):“元(yuan)代諸(zhu)帝(di)不(bu)(bu)習漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen),凡(fan)有(you)章奏,皆(jie)(jie)由翻(fan)譯(yi)。其(qi)讀漢(han)(han)(han)書(shu)而不(bu)(bu)用(yong)翻(fan)譯(yi)者,前惟太子(zi)真(zhen)金(jin),從(cong)王惲、王恂受學(xue)(xue)(xue)。后(hou)惟文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)潛邸(di),自通漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)而已。《書(shu)畫譜》言,文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)在潛邸(di)時,召畫師房大年,俾圖京(jing)師萬歲(sui)山。大年以未至其(qi)地辭,文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)遂(sui)取(qu)筆布畫位(wei)置(zhi),頃刻立就,命大年按稿圖上。大年得(de)稿敬藏之(zhi),意匠經營,雖(sui)積學(xue)(xue)(xue)專工,有(you)所(suo)未及(ji)。始知文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)多(duo)材多(duo)藝也。及(ji)踐(jian)阼后(hou),開(kai)奎章閣,招集(ji)儒臣,撰備《經世大典(dian)》數百卷,宏綱(gang)巨目(mu),禮樂兵農,燦然(ran)開(kai)一(yi)代文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)明(ming)之(zhi)治。即其(qi)聲色儉澹,亦遠勝武宗(zong)(zong)(zong),此(ci)豈(qi)庸主(zhu)所(suo)希及(ji)哉!使其(qi)迎立明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)日(ri),亦如仁(ren)(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)退處東(dong)宮,他日(ri)明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)復(fu)如武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)傳仁(ren)(ren)廟,則一(yi)代而勝事(shi)再見(jian),雖(sui)殷人弟兄世及(ji),何以過(guo)此(ci)!《易》曰:‘開(kai)國(guo)承家,小(xiao)人勿用(yong)。’文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)得(de)大位(wei)也,以燕帖木兒(er);其(qi)得(de)罪(zui)萬世也,亦以燕帖木兒(er)。語曰:‘治世之(zhi)能臣,亂(luan)世之(zhi)奸(jian)雄(xiong)。’文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)不(bu)(bu)隕于太平王手者,亦幸(xing)矣哉!”(魏源說“元(yuan)代諸(zhu)帝(di)不(bu)(bu)習漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen),凡(fan)有(you)章奏,皆(jie)(jie)由翻(fan)譯(yi)。”此(ci)事(shi)并不(bu)(bu)符(fu)合歷(li)史事(shi)實,這(zhe)和他了解的(de)(de)相關書(shu)籍不(bu)(bu)多(duo)有(you)關。事(shi)實上,真(zhen)金(jin)太子(zi)和元(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)的(de)(de)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)學(xue)(xue)(xue)修(xiu)養(yang)的(de)(de)確很(hen)高(gao),除此(ci)之(zhi)外,還有(you)很(hen)多(duo)位(wei)元(yuan)朝(chao)帝(di)王有(you)很(hen)高(gao)的(de)(de)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)學(xue)(xue)(xue)修(xiu)養(yang)。根據(ju)史料, 元(yuan)世祖、元(yuan)仁(ren)(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)英宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)惠(hui)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)昭宗(zong)(zong)(zong),均有(you)很(hen)高(gao)的(de)(de)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)化修(xiu)養(yang),其(qi)中,元(yuan)世祖、元(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)惠(hui)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)昭宗(zong)(zong)(zong)這(zhe)四位(wei)帝(di)王有(you)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)詩傳世。元(yuan)仁(ren)(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)英宗(zong)(zong)(zong)都(dou)受到(dao)過(guo)良(liang)好(hao)的(de)(de)漢(han)(han)(han)學(xue)(xue)(xue)教育,都(dou)有(you)很(hen)高(gao)的(de)(de)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)(wen)學(xue)(xue)(xue)修(xiu)養(yang)。
清朝史(shi)學家曾廉《元(yuan)書》的評價是:“論(lun)曰:元(yuan)自(zi)文宗,始親(qin)郊祀(si),禮彬彬焉。尊崇圣賢之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)典,至(zhi)是益隆(long),而開奎(kui)章閣以致儒(ru)臣,考文章,論(lun)治道,勤(qin)于延(yan)訪,可以為(wei)文矣。然幾沉而氣銳,抑亦吳閭庭(ting)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)流也。其(qi)言泰(tai)(tai)定帝(di)通(tong)賊臣,陰謀(mou)冒干寶位(wei),嗚呼!文宗將毋其(qi)自(zi)道之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)也!興且晉(jin)邸,日(ri)有盟書,周王可必其(qi)終為(wei)泰(tai)(tai)伯乎?文宗之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)深心乃(nai)以讓,濟其(qi)忍(ren),然后(hou)足固其(qi)威福也,豈不險哉!生則欺人,死(si)而猶飾,故地碎其(qi)主,春秋(qiu)震夷(yi)伯之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)廟,所謂有隱慝者(zhe)乎?”
清末(mo)民初史(shi)(shi)學家屠(tu)寄《蒙(meng)兀兒(er)史(shi)(shi)記》的評價是:“汗舊勞于外,多(duo)藝(yi)好文。在建康潛邸時(shi),忽憶京師萬歲山,召畫師房大(da)(da)年圖(tu)之(zhi)(zhi),大(da)(da)年以(yi)未至其(qi)地辭(ci),汗自(zi)取筆,布畫位(wei)(wei)置,頃(qing)刻(ke)立就(jiu),命大(da)(da)年按稿圖(tu)上。大(da)(da)年得(de)稿敬藏之(zhi)(zhi),意(yi)匠經營(ying),雖積學專工,有所未及。即位(wei)(wei)后首建奎章(zhang)閣(ge)(ge),御制記文,集儒(ru)臣閣(ge)(ge)中備顧(gu)問,敕編《經世大(da)(da)典》,保(bao)存一代(dai)制度。性愛典禮,欲(yu)革蒙(meng)兀腥膻本俗(su),則(ze)躬服(fu)袞冕,虔祀郊廟(miao)。又(you)慎(shen)于用刑,行樞(shu)密院嘗當云南逃軍二人死罪(zui),汗謂:‘臨陣而逃,死宜(yi)也。彼非逃戰,輒當以(yi)死,何視人命之(zhi)(zhi)易(yi)耶(ye)?’杖而流之(zhi)(zhi)。天歷(li)初抗命諸王(wang)大(da)(da)臣,臨事(shi)故多(duo)誅殺,其(qi)它(ta)竄黜(chu)者,事(shi)后多(duo)蒙(meng)召還(huan),或仍錄用。至于嚴懲贓吏,尊信老(lao)成,節諸王(wang)駙馬(ma)朝會芻(chu)粟(su)賞(shang)賜(si)之(zhi)(zhi)財,汰宿衛鷹坊饔人僧徒冗食(shi)之(zhi)(zhi)數。諸所設(she)施(shi),實(shi)一代(dai)恭儉(jian)守文之(zhi)(zhi)令(ling)主也。惟得(de)國(guo)不正(zheng),隱(yin)虧天倫(lun),且(qie)授權燕鐵木兒(er)太甚,未能(neng)大(da)(da)有為(wei)。”
民(min)國官修正史《新元史》柯劭(shao)忞(min)的評價是(shi):“燕鐵木兒(er)挾(xie)震主之威,專權用事。文宗垂拱于上(shang),無所可否,日與文字之士從容(rong)翰墨而已。昔(xi)漢靈帝(di)好詞賦,召樂松等待詔(zhao)鴻都門,蔡邕露章(zhang)極(ji)諫,斥為俳優。況區(qu)區(qu)書畫之玩乎?君子以是(shi)知元祚之哀也。
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